Besides,
this is not the first time the Lagos State government has shown its disdain for
legal niceties, an irony given that it is headed by a SAN. It wasn’t so long
ago that a different set of officials from Alausa descended on Epe and demolished
over 200 houses while the matter was still pending in the courts. But we need
not labour the point. This is the nature of the Nigerian ruling class with its
disdain for the people from whom it derives its mandate - and never mind the claims
of the party concerned. A ‘progressive’ in Nigerian politics must be measured
in relative terms, which is why we are happy when a few roads are repaired and
a few trees are planted, desirable though they are. It is one of the tragedies
of Nigeria - perhaps the mother of them all, as it were - that our standards
have fallen so low that we celebrate what others take for granted.
Nor
need the story be literally true in order to resonate with so much that is
wrong with Nigeria that it might as well be true, beginning with the vexed
issue of who is and who is not an indigene, and whether any of it makes any sense.
As the unforthcoming Lagos State commissioner acknowledged, any Nigerian
citizen is free to live anywhere they like in Nigeria although bitter experience
has shown otherwise; and it is hardly surprising that many of the comments in
the few newspapers which carried the story should draw the obvious conclusion: ‘This
is the beginning of sorrows, kill them in the North, deport them from Lagos...’
The only mitigating factor, perhaps, is that there is at least one Igbo
representative in the upper echelons of the offending state but then he’s a ‘Lagos
boy’ and a politician to boot, hence his silence, at least in public.
Then
there is the matter of uniformed officials wandering about the streets arresting
their fellow citizens under the pretext of a colonial relic we thought we had
jettisoned but made worse in this case by the area-boy nature of the exercise.
Since when did state officials usurp the powers of a police force which the
state government itself has no authority over, much to its chagrin, and rightly
so in a federal structure. And not only arrest but detain for months on end.
This would amount to kidnapping in saner climes, and a capital offence in the
US we pretend to model ourselves on, although given what the US itself gets up
to, what with forcing down foreign presidential aircraft for wandering about
the open skies, the lesson in hooliganism might have been learnt only too well.
But
all this is wearisomely familiar. The police themselves are just as casual
about the rights of Nigerian citizens who they routinely kidnap for ransom, as
a visit to any police station in the country will demonstrate. This much is
given and only made possible by the passivity of those they do this to. After
recounting her harrowing story, the office worker quoted above thanked her God
(always God) that, ‘I am now free and I want people to help me so that I can
find my way home’, grateful perhaps that she wasn’t among the 29 she claimed
she saw die during her incarceration. And there the matter ends. The media which
broke the story have moved on to the next outrage, the human rights community is
otherwise busy with more pressing concerns (pressing, that is, according to the
criteria of their foreign funders) and the insulted and injured have little
faith, less money and no time to invest in a criminal justice system which can
in any case be safely disregarded by those who have done this to them, as who
should know.
And
then, of course, there is the all-pervasive, ever-present ethnic factor,
exemplified by this very case; as another commentator put it: ‘Keep on fooling
yourself with false propaganda that Igbo developed Alaba and Idumota, just go
back and developed [sic] your Eastern region, Yoruba should not waste their
resources to cater for miscreants and destitutes [sic] from Igbo States.’ In
fact some of the deportees were apparently from other parts of the country, and
few in any case were from Anambra itself, but these are just the details. In
the meantime, the Senate President is trying to explain how it was that he and
his overpaid colleagues were blackmailed (his word) into approving underage
marriage, and the First Lady is seeking to impose her preferred candidate as
the next governor of Rivers State even as she battles the incumbent with the help
of the police commissioner. Why, it’s enough to make your head spin.
©
Adewale Maja-Pearce
Adewale
Maja-Pearce is the author of several books, including Loyalties
and Other Stories, In My Father's Country, How many miles to Babylon?, A
Mask Dancing, Who's Afraid of Wole Soyinka?, From Khaki to Agbada,
Remembering Ken Saro-Wiwa and Other Essays, A Peculiar Tragedy, and
Counting the Cost, as well as the 1998 and 1999 annual reports on human
rights violations in Nigeria. He also edited The Heinemann Book of African
Poetry in English, Wole Soyinka: An Appraisal, Christopher Okigbo:
Collected Poems, The New Gong Book of New Nigerian Short Stories,
and Other Stories, In My Father's Country, How many miles to Babylon?, A
Mask Dancing, Who's Afraid of Wole Soyinka?, From Khaki to Agbada,
Remembering Ken Saro-Wiwa and Other Essays, A Peculiar Tragedy, and
Counting the Cost, as well as the 1998 and 1999 annual reports on human
rights violations in Nigeria. He also edited The Heinemann Book of African
Poetry in English, Wole Soyinka: An Appraisal, Christopher Okigbo:
Collected Poems, The New Gong Book of New Nigerian Short Stories,
and
Dream Chasers.
Click here to see Maja-Pearce's amazon.com page: http://www.amazon.com/Adewale-Maja-Pearce/e/B001HPKIOU
Click here to see Maja-Pearce's amazon.com page: http://www.amazon.com/Adewale-Maja-Pearce/e/B001HPKIOU
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